The Chinese Massacre of 1603 Essay Example for Free

The Chinese Massacre of 1603 Essay From a historiographic point of view, the incident of 1603 acquires special significance in the long and tragic history of Chinese massacres in the Philippines. For compared to all the rest, this has been the best chronicled, not only in Spanish, but also in Chinese sources. Moreover, both coincide in the presentation of facts and are alike in the ordering of events. When these sources—especially the Chinese—begin their account of the massacre, they refer to a remote, perhaps even unrelated, incident that is, nevertheless, significant. The tension started in 1593, when 250 Chinese were forcibly recruited to row the ships which Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, then Philippine governor general, sent to conquer the Moluccas Islands. Soon after they set sail, the Chinese in the flag ship staged a mutiny, assassinated Dasmarinas, and took over the vessel. Weeks later, the son of the murdered governor, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, then based in Cebu, sought vengeance to fall on the heads of the culprits. To do this, he asked for assistance from the Chinese authorities of Fujian, who welcomed the young Dasmarinas’ ambassadors and offered them their help as well. The second episode happened 10 years later, in the spring of 1603, when â€Å"three mandarins† arrived in Manila on a strange mission: to reconnoiter a mountain of gold abundant with trees that bore gold. This visit raised the suspicion of the Spaniards in the Philippines, already so accustomed to intermittent threats of conquest, particularly from the Japanese. They concluded that this was probably an advance party for a future invasion of Manila. At that time, the Chinese in this city were almost 10 times the number of Spaniards. The third event, the Sangley uprising, happened in autumn of that same year. The reasons for this uprising remain unclear. The motives range from the desire of the Chinese to dominate Manila, to their wanting to abort the Spaniards moves that seemed to lead to their elimination. After initial uncertainty as to who would eventually win out, the rebellion was quelled by the Spaniards who, together with Filipino and Japanese troops, massacred some 20,000 Chinese. Both our sources also point to a more or less common epilogue. After the Spaniards’ first attempts at reconciliation and China’s indignant reactions, both parties reached a new compromise and the agitation easily vanished as though nothing had happened. Former trade relations were resumed, allowing the Chinese to settle again in Manila, even if both sides harbored grudges against each other for what had happened earlier. What I now propose is to try to bring together reports on the massacre, both from the known Spanish sources and from the Chinese founts. The comparison may allow us to better understand the remote and proximate causes of the tragedy of 1603. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 1 The sources The Spanish manuscript sources which document the massacre are found in their entirety in the General Archive of the Indies and were published almost completely in the â€Å"Colin Pastells,† that is to say, the new edition of the work of Colin, done by Pastells in 19001. Some of them were reproduced immediately afterwards and translated to English, in Blair Robertson,2 and again soon after by Pastells in his joint work with Navas. 3 These sources may be classified into two: those released during the event—which served as â€Å"news updates†Ã¢â‚¬â€or shortly after the incident, giving a global view of what had happened; and those that appear in the books that came out around that time, situating the incident within the general context of Philippine history, as Morga4 does in his book, or as part of the conquest of the Moluccas, as Argensola5 approached it in his. The letters and reports from the officers of the Royal Audiencia of Manila, and those of the superiors of the various religious orders belong to the first type. These documents intend to give personal viewpoints which, despite the fact that they contest each other, are not contradictory but rather complimentary. Of course, all deplore the massacre even if they deem it a justified, though exaggerated, measure. At the same time, they differ mainly in the analysis of the means that could have been taken to avoid it, or of the actions that indirectly provoked it. Argensola tries to consolidate all the information that reached the court during the years immediately after the massacre (he published his work six years after the event), and personal reports from the main players of the said event. Argensola may have had the Augustinian Diego de Guevara as his principal source, because this priest moved to Madrid to attend to some of his order’s concerns shortly after the incident. The work of Dr. Morga, eyewitness of the events, is briefer and simpler in tackling the topics and conclusions that were being formulated in Manila immediately after the uprising (Morga left Manila in 1606). The Chinese sources, on the other hand, are official and therefore anonymous. They are briefer than those of the Spaniards, and seem to be less defensive, even if they also seem to reflect partisan tendencies. 6 They usually acknowledge provocation on the part of the Chinese expatriates, and yet refuse to be judged by foreigners. These documents sometimes cite specific words or actions of an officer from Fujian, although they Francisco Colin, S. J. Labor evangelica, ministerios apostolicos de los obreros de la Compania de Jesus, fundacion y progresos de su provincia en las Islas Filipinas. Nueva edicion ilustrada con copia de notas y documentos para la critica †¦ por el P. Pablo Pastells, S. J. , Vol. II, Barcelona, Imprenta y Litografia de Henrich y Cia, 1900, pp. 418-441. 2 Blair Robertson, The Philippine Islands (vol. XII, pp. 83-97). 3 Pablo Pastells Francisco Navas, Catalogo de los documentos relativos a las Islas Filipinas (vol. 5, Barcelona, 1929, pp. LXXVI-CVIII). 4 Antonio Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Mexico, 1609. We used here the version annotated by Jose Rizal, offset reprinting by the National Commission for the Centenary of Jose Rizal, Manila, 1961. 5 Bartolome Leonardo Argensola. Conquista de las Islas Malucas, Imprenta del Hospicio Provincial, Zaragoza 1891. 6 We have used the following references: Ming Shi (â€Å"The History of the Ming Dynasty â€Å"), Ed. Ding Wen, Taipei, 1975, Vol. 11 (pp. 8370-8375); Ming Shi Lu (â€Å"The True History of the Ming Dynasty†), prepared by the Academia Sinica, Ed. Zhongwen, Volumes 12 and 13, Taipei, 1961 (pp. 12090, 123030, 12371); Dong Xi Yang Kao (â€Å"Studies on the Eastern and Western Oceans†), Ed. Taiwan Shang Wu, Taipei, 1971 (pp. 57-60); Ming Ching Shi Wen Bien (â€Å"Anthology of the Official Documents of the Ming Dynasty†), Vol. 6, Ed. Zhunghua, Beijing, 1962 (pp. 4727-4728); Huang Ming Xiang Xu Lu; Guo Que (â€Å"National tolls†), Ed. Ding Wen, Taipei, 1978, Vol. 8 (p. 4917). I wish to thank Prof. Zhang Kai for his invaluable help in pointing out these sources, and my research assistant Lin Li-pin for his help in the translation of these materials. 1 Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 2 generally present themselves as part of an official investigation that was also transmitted officially. Also, since the events happened outside China, it is difficult for the imperial officers to verify them, which is why they put forward brief and detached explanations. Nevertheless, the massacre of 1603 happened during a period of stability in the Ming Dynasty; thus, their capacity to inquire into and annotate an event that happened outside their shores was much greater than, for example, the time when the massacres of 1639 or of 1662 took place. The former happened on the eve of the fall of the Ming Dynasty, while the latter was more associated with the Ming resistance—at that time, Koxinga7 was dying in his Taiwanese hideout—than with the Manchus, the new powers in China, who were still trying to establish themselves in the country. The incident of October 25, 1593 Let us now take a brief look at Argensola’s account in Chapter 6 of his book. 8 He states that Governor Gomez Perez de Dasmarinas prepared four galleys to attack the Moluccas but had difficulty finding soldiers to man them. When the flagship was the only one left to be filled, â€Å"he ordered that of the Chinese contract workers who were entering the Philippines, 250 were to be taken to man the flagship. The Royal Treasury was to pay each one two pesos a month and, in the best of cases, they were only to row in calm weather. † The Governor forced the governor of the Chinese to get these 250 men who set sail against their will. Finally, on October 17, the naval crew left for Ternate. However, as soon as the flagship moved a short distance off, and the Chinese oarsmen were put to work—unaccustomed as they were to the task and spurred on by brutal and menacing foremen—the said workers decided to stage an uprising, preferring to die in the attempt than to continue rowing for the Spaniards. The rebellion took place on the night of October 25, claiming the lives of the Governor himself and a great part of the 80member Spanish crew. The bad weather persisted, which was why the mutineers only went as far as the Ilocos region, where they were assaulted by the natives. They left behind the surviving Spaniards, among them, Juan de Cuellar, secretary of the Governor and the Franciscan Montilla, both of who managed to reach the coast. Afterwards, the Chinese decided to sail to China, but landed in Vietnam instead, where â€Å"the king of Tunquin seized their cargo and left the galley to sink in the coast. The Chinese were dispersed and they fled to the different provinces. †9 The Spanish survivors informed Manila of what happened. The rest of the navy based in Cebu under the command of the governor’s son, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, returned to Manila. There, he was appointed interim Governor of the islands. Then a strange thing happened in 1594. In retrospect, this incident seems to have served as a â€Å"rehearsal† for what was to happen next. That year, the Chinese presumed that the Spanish navy had left for the Moluccas Isles. As Argensola puts it, â€Å"There appeared in Manila a great number of ships from China, without the customary goods, but rather loaded with men and weapons. On board were seven mandarins, counted As regards this massacre and the problems of interpretation that arise from consulting and comparing Chinese and Spanish sources, see my recent paper â€Å"Consideraciones en torno a la imagen de Koxinga vertida por Victorio Ricci en Occidente. † Encuentros en Catay, n. 10, 1996. 8 There are discrepancies between Argensola and Morga, although these are more a question of details than of arguments. 9 Argensola, Conquista de las†¦, p. 210 7 Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 3 among the senior Viceroys or Governors of their provinces and they went to visit Don Luis with great pomp and an escort of men saying that they were on the lookout for Chinese who were going about those lands without license. †10 Dasmarinas welcomed them and gave each one a gold chain. In the end, he concluded that they had come either to conquer or to sack Manila, but changed their minds when they saw the presence of the Spanish armada. Argensola adds that since the Chinese who killed Dasmarinas’ father were from Quan Chou, he sent Fernando de Castro, a cousin of his, to that province to give an account of the mutiny. However, the trip was forestalled due to the bad weather. It is noteworthy that neither Argensola nor Morga says that the Dasmarinas took advantage of the situation to take up the matter with the mandarins (although it seems that he did, as deduced from the Chinese sources that we shall now see). For example, the Dong Xi Yang Gao is more exhaustive in this respect. It states that Luis Dasmarinas (called Maulin here), immediately after replacing his father, sent some priests to inform the Chinese authorities in Macao about the uprising. These priests bore a letter, the translation of which is conserved in the Chinese sources. It also adds that the magistrates of Fujian continued to send merchant vessels to bring back the Chinese who had been living in Luzon for too long. According to Argensola, this detail coincides with what the mandarins explained to Dasmarinas. The Chinese chronicle continues: â€Å"The governor of Luzon provided these ships with food and also gave them a letter (addressed to the Chinese government). He verbally aired his complaints about the way the Chinese treated the murdered governor, his father. And he gave them an edict, sealed in a gold box which, together with the abovementioned letter, was wrapped in red silk and sent to China on a merchant vessel. †11 The â€Å"three mandarins† arrive in Manila (May 1603) We have said that the abovementioned incident does not seem to have anything to do with the one that took place nine years later. However, the parallelism is great, as we shall now see. The events arising from the arrival of another group of mandarins are well documented in the Spanish sources. There are three types of information that are all complimentary. Those from the royal officials, that is, those from the Governor, Don Pedro de Acuna, as well as the listeners of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, who show themselves to be hostile to and suspicious of the governor. The sources of the ecclesiastics, and in the third place, the information that the Chinese themselves give, and which they offer in consideration of the Spanish authorities. In particular, a letter written four days before in the sea by Chanchian, the head of the Chinese expedition, and which is submitted to the governor who sends it immediately for translation. Likewise, two more documents corresponding to some â€Å"petitions of Chinese to the Chinese emperor†, which ended up in the hands of Archbishop Benavides who translated them. He sent the king his own letter where—â€Å"enriched† after his own 10 11 Idem, p. 212. The Dong Xi Yang Kao contains the Chinese translation of Dasmarinas’ letter which he gave to the mandarins. Here, the same facts are given, except that the apparent motive of the uprising was more of greed (the ship was loaded with much gold and silver) than of the cruelty received in the hands of the foremen of the ship, as Argensola would have put it. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 4 inquiries—he makes a very complete analysis of the situation12. Though actually we do not know if Benavides made them Public or not, and therefore if they have to be considered as part of the information that the Spaniards had then. Gathering together all the reports (Argensola’s and those of the two judges of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, both hostile toward the governor, Pedro de Acuna), this series of events might have had taken place as follows: Friday, May 23. Three mandarins landed in Manila, displaying their insignias as judges. With great pomp and an entourage of 50, they sought an audience with the Governor and gave him a letter written four days earlier in the high seas. In the said letter, signed by Chanchian, military chief of Fujian, the mandarins expounded the reason for this trip. They wished to verify the existence of a fabulous mountain in Cavite, believed to yield 100,000 taeles of gold and 300,000 taeles of silver a year. They claimed that everyone could go and dig there and that the Chinese have already taken a great quantity of these metals back to China. Chanchian also indicated that he had with him a fellow named Tio Heng, the man who reported to the emperor of the existence of the said mountain, as well as a eunuch called Cochay, who received specific orders from the emperor to investigate the matter. Another mandarin was present, besides Cochay and the immediate chief of Chanchian. 13 He added that he did not believe in the existence of such a mountain, and presumed it to be a lie. Nevertheless, the Governor had nothing to fear, since it was his duty to look into the matter. Afterwards, the Governor had them housed in special lodgings inside the city. The fact that they flaunted their insignias as judges and that the Governor allowed them to do so, incurred the ire of the members of the Audiencia. From May 24 to May 26 (Saturday to Monday), the mandarins begin to mete justice on their countrymen. Meanwhile, Salazar, the fiscal of the Audiencia, carries out his own investigation. Within this period, the governor allows the mandarins to bring their entourage to Tondo, where the Christian sangleys live. May 27 (Tuesday). Salazar presents a report in a public session of the Audiencia. The report is approved and the governor requested to stop the operations of the mandarins so that the investigations may continue. The friction between the Audiencia 12 It does not remain clear how Benavides obtained the two documents, and if he made them known to the governor or not. The first (document) is similar in structure to the letter which the governor received from the mandarins, the translation of which he sent to the King, but much more extensive and detailed. Therefore the said document perhaps may be a different version from the letter, made by memory (since he possibly helped in the verbal translation of that thing) and completed a posteriori with his own investigations, since at the end of that letter he said: â€Å"I am a man who knows the language of these Chinese and I know a lot about their things and customs of China by having lived with them for many months and I made it also because I take up this business with suspicion and care as these can be advisors who advise badly on it because of not understanding it† (Colin Pastells, II, p. 415). The second document, different from the letter, is a remonstrance of the emperor by one of his officials. The mandarins presented it to the governor with the intention of giving more credibility to his own letter. Given that the Spaniards did not seem to take it into account, we will not deal with it now, but we will go back to it at the end of our study for its clarificatory value. 13 Note that the spelling of the names correspond to the free style of transcribing that the Spanish translator had of the Fujianese pronunciation of the names ( the translation of the document that appears on Blair Robertson, vol. XII, pp. 83-97, points out in the heading which was made by a Dominican). As will be seen later , the correspondence in mandarin is as follows: Chunchian seems to correspond to Gan Yi-chen, Tio Heng to Zhang Yi and Cochay to Gao Tsai. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 5 and the Governor worsens. Moreover, the judges of the Audiencia complain of being relegated to the sidelines. In the following days, the Audiencia desisted its moves because the Governor finally published an edict prohibiting the mandarins from administering their justice and from flaunting their insignias. On the eve of their departure, they go to Cavite to see the said mountain. With them are Second Lieutenant Cervantes, as well as by the governor of the sangleys, Juan Bautista de Vera,14 who seems to have been around all the while. There, Tio Heng, unable to satisfactorily clear himself of the deception, had the Spaniards bearing down on him with threats of death. However, the mandarins intercede for his pardon. The Spaniards grow even more suspicious. On the day of their departure, the Governor receives the mandarins and honors them with some gifts. As he sends them off, they apologize for the mix-up they have caused and thus sailed back to China. We can better know the identities of these mandarins and further clarify the case by examining complimentary data from the Chinese sources. In this attempt to consolidate diverse information, we can conclude that the speaker of the group was the mandarin Gan Yi-chen (Chanchian in the letter), a centurion and was probably the military chief of Fujian. The second mandarin (not mentioned in the letter) was Wang Shi-ho, the magistrate of the Hai Cheng district, where many of the Chinese immigrants came from. The third mandarin must have been the eunuch Gao Tsai (who appears in the letter as Cochai). Accompanying these three dignitaries were Zhang Yi (Tio Heng) and Yang Ying-long, who were the ones who informed the emperor in Beijing of the said mountain of gold. Yang Ying-long was another centurion whom the Chinese sources accuse of collaborating with Zhang Yi (who probably used the former’s clout to get an audience with the emperor and consequently win his favor). The emperor actually allowed the said expedition despite opposition from various people in his court who not only thought it a ridiculous project, but which could also be a source of trouble. According to these sources, one might think that the two magistrates Gan Yichen and Wang Shi-ho were also of the same opinion. In fact, the latter was so vexed that he died soon after they arrived in Fujian. The other magistrates reported Zhang Yi’s behavior to the emperor, demanding that he be punished for trying to deceive the imperial government and for bringing about its humiliation in a foreign land. The role of Gao Tsai, on the other hand, is more difficult to interpret. Some sources picture him as the superintendent of the said Beijing expedition, while others show him as Fujian’s quartermaster general for taxes, who makes a living off the Chinese maritime trade. The Ming Shi Lu gives its version of the conduct of these three: â€Å"The diabolical Fujianese Zhang Yi, came up with an evil plan to propose the excavation of a gold mine in Luzon. But his real intention was to conspire with the eunuchs and provoke the barbarians. Yang Ying-long was his partner†¦Zhang Yi was beheaded and [his head] shown to the coastal provinces as a warning to people of his kind. † 15 Lastly, it is worth pointing out that the Chinese sources coincide with those Spanish ones in indicating that this entire trip had been the proximate cause of the Spanish suspicions and the subsequent massacre which took place four months afterwards. 14 A Chinese who arrived in Manila during the times of the pirate Limahon, whom he had served. At that time, he was appointed governor of the sangleys and was â€Å"respected by the Spaniards and loved by the sangleys† (Argensola, p.230. He was also known as â€Å"Eng Kang† (Rizal), â€Å"Encan† (Argensola) and â€Å"Encang† (Tellez de Almazan). 15 MSL, Chapter 404 (Vol. XII. P. 12090). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 6 But, the question is if the dispatch had been an advance party or not, and if it came to study the possibility of invasion of Manila—whether it was piratical or in an organized form. At the moment, the Spaniards could not know it, although an excess of suspicions could turn itself into an untenable situation that might end up out of control. It was precisely what happened. The massacre of 1603 a) The preparation On December 18, 1603, once the incident that we are about to see had ended, Governor Pedro de Acuna wrote the king an account wherein he explained in retrospect his behavior during the whole event. He begins by saying that the arrival of the mandarins had made him suspect a possible invasion from China. This was why his eventual moves, preventive and defensive in nature, were limited to the following: 1. To create space, he ordered the demolition of the houses in the Parian that was adjacent to the walls of the city. This, at the same time, corrected some of the wall’s defects. 2. He asked the mayors of the district and the magistrates of the Parian to submit to him a list of immigrants under their jurisdiction and of the weapons in their possession. They were also asked to indicate whether these people were to be trusted or not. The order was fulfilled. 3. He carried out regular inspections of the artisans (blacksmiths, etc. ) in particular, and commissioned the manufacture of bows, arrows, pikes, etc. for the royal storehouse. At the same time, he ordered that all these weapons be collected and transported. 4. Just in case, he had provisions stored. 5. He hired sangleys to build a canal with the end of creating a moat for the city, if ever the need arises. Acuna also points out a distinction that is also mentioned in other Spanish sources: that between the Chinese merchants, who have settled for years in the Parian, and the recent arrivals who were vagabonds and troublemakers who had nothing to lose and who could not return to China due to the crimes they had committed. 16 Acuna hangs the blame of the succeeding events on these Chinese, since they were the ones who paved the way for everything, â€Å"in order to bring the merchants and the peaceful people to their side, convincing them that the measures that were being taken were meant to kill the Chinese. † 17 The Chinese sources, on the other hand, also echo some of Acuna’s positions, but presenting these under an offensive point of view, coloring the thing differently and relating these to what directly affected them. For example, the Huang Ming Xiang Hsu Lu shows that the Spaniards prepared for the massacre way ahead of time, since â€Å"they began to buy from the Chinese all the metal objects that they had. The Chinese, on the other hand, sold all the iron they found because they saw that they could profit from it. † (point 3 from Acuna). 18 This same idea is found in the Ming Shi, which also adds that â€Å"the Chinese were obliged to register their names and to be divided into groups of 300†19 (point 2 from Acuna). 16 To better differentiate the Chinese groups, see Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life, 18501898 (Yale University Press, 1965), pp. 6-11. 17 Blair Robertson, vol. XII, p. 154 18 HMXHL, Chapter 5, Luzon. 19 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8372). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 7 b) The beginning: Sangley uprising or Chinese pogrom? Another interesting issue to consider is that of who started it first. The Spanish sources (Morga, Argensola, Acuna, etc. ) emphatically state: the Chinese staged an uprising. Benavides, the bishop of Manila, noted in a letter to the king that â€Å"the multitude of Chinese was so great, among them, base and vicious men who spread the rumor (which is absolutely false, but not for them) that the Spaniards were going to kill every one of them, which was why they provoked a rebellion on the night of the eve of St. Francis. They armed themselves and on that day killed several Spaniards who pursued them, among them, Luis Perez de Dasmarinas. †20 On December 18, when everything was over, Governor Pedro de Acuna told the king that â€Å"according to the investigations and what some of those involved had declared, it goes without saying that the uprising was instigated from China, and the stage set by all, if not some, of the mandarins who had been here. † 21 According to the Spanish sources (since the Chinese are silent about it), the Chinese had also been girding themselves for it. The Chinese Juan Bautista de Vera had been constructing a more or less fortified zone half-a-league from Tondo (which Argensola calls a â€Å"sugar refinery†), where some provisions and arms were stored. c) The unfolding of events The actual struggle is already well known because it is what was most interesting to relate to the Spaniards. To summarize, we basically follow Morga’s account: The evening of October 3 (Friday). The uprising was scheduled to take place on the last day of November, but realizing that they were going to be discovered, the sangleys move it to the third of October. On this day, at 11 pm, about 2000 men (or â€Å"according to the sangley who was under torture, 40 captains to 150 men†), begin to gather in the â€Å"fort† of Tondo. That night, Juan Bautista de Vera visits the governor to inform him of what was happening. Thinking that de Vera was in cahoots with them, the governor throws him into prison. The Chinese, noting de Vera’s absence, appoint another Christian sangley, Juan Untae, de Vera’s godson, to replace him. 22 That same night, Luis Dasmarinas secures himself in the monastery of Binondo with a small group of soldiers. The Chinese fly into action, burning some houses and then returning to their â€Å"fort. † The morning of October 4 (Saturday). The sangleys of the Parian (that is, the peaceful old-timers identified with the Spaniards, some of whom are Christian) are asked to enter the city, but they refuse to do so due to doubts as to who would be the victor in this conflict. They decide to remain in the Parian. Dasmarinas leaves Binondo for Tondo to fortify himself in the church with 140 harquebusiers. A thousand and five hundred Chinese rebels show up. There is a fight to take over the church. Five hundred Chinese die, while the rest retreat to the â€Å"fort†. Dasmarinas pursues them and dies in the attempt. The Spaniards are thrown into confusion. October 5 (Sunday). Realizing that de Vera was not going to come, the rebels kill Untae and coerce the Parian residents into joining forces with them. As they make for Manila, they ravage everything that comes their way. The city puts up a tough resistance and many men die. In the evening, they retreat to the Parian and to Dilao. The 20 21 Blair Robertson. Vol. XII, p. 143. Idem, vol. XII, p. 155. 22 Sangley general Hontay (Argensola), or Juan Ontal (Tellez de Almazan). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 8 Spaniards likewise press the Parian residents to side with them. Overcome by this psychological stress, some Chinese—among them, a relative of de Vera—hang themselves. Both sides brace themselves for a second attack. October 6 (Monday). Another assault and renewed resistance. A Spaniard, with the help of a Japanese corps, launches an unsuccessful offensive. An armada of Pintados suddenly makes its way through the river and blasts the Chinese lines with canons. They divide themselves into three and penetrate the inland. One group makes for the Tingues of Pasig, another for Ayonbon [Bayombong] and the third, the most numerous, for Laguna de Bay, the mountains of San Pablo and the province of Batangas. October 8 (Wednesday) and the succeeding days: The Chinese abandon the city. The Spaniards are hot in their pursuit. It seems that the first two groups are easily annihilated, since nothing more is said of them. The third group, starving and unarmed, leave a path of devastation. Luis de Velasco with 70 of his men is at their heels, killing many each day. Finally, Velasco perishes at the hands of the Chinese who set up fort in San Pablo. Argensola adds that the native Filipinos, instead of siding with the Chinese, lent a hand in the massacre. October 20. A new detachment of Spaniards, Japanese and 1500 natives of Pampanga and the Tagalog provinces is formed in Manila. They soon finish off all the Chinese who secured themselves in San Pablo and Batangas. The rebellion is quelled. October 22 (Argensola’s date). Juan de Vera faces trial. In the succeeding days, other Chinese meet the same fate. Only 300 are pardoned, but the rest are sent to the galleys. The Chinese sources are less detailed in describing the operations, perhaps due to the handful of sangleys who survived. It is thus more difficult to establish a clear parallelism between the two accounts, since they cite actions that are not mentioned in the Spanish sources. Consequently, there is much discrepancy. The Ming Shi relates that when the Chinese discovered the Spaniards’ plot to massacre them, they â€Å"retreated to Tsai Yuen (which may be translated as â€Å"the plantation† and which may refer to Juan Bautista de Vera’s strategic â€Å"fort† and to Argensola’s â€Å"sugar refinery†). 23 Then, the Spanish â€Å"chief† sent soldiers to go after them (this may well refer to Luis Dasmarinas’ move or to the arrival of the army of Pintados). The Chinese were unarmed. Many were killed and the survivors fled to the Talun Mountain. 24 The Spaniards attacked the mountain once more, while the Chinese put up a desperate defense. The Spaniards suffered momentary defeat, which their â€Å"chief† (probably the captain of the expedition or the Governor himself) regretted, moving him to negotiate a truce. The Chinese, thinking that this was some trick, killed the messengers, thus driving the Spanish â€Å"chief† to exasperation. He abandoned their mountain camp and retreated to the neighboring town, simultaneously setting up ambush parties in the surrounding areas. The Chinese rebels were starving and so decided to go down the mountain and plunder the town,25 only to be ambushed by the Spanish troops. Twenty five thousand Chinese perished in the mas23 CHEN, Mattew.

Communication Changes in the UAE

Communication Changes in the UAE â€Å"Report on the UAE Oral History Assignment† Introduction The report discuses the major shift in UAE Communication and media based on the interview and research. The interview helped to get a real insight in the life style and communication methods in the earlier days. The report discusses the recent trends in UAE media and communication history with emphasis on digitalization and telecommunication history. The technology change in communication is discussed with the rapid development of ICT in UAE after the declaration of Dubai as media free zone. The Social media revolution in UAE is the current trend in communication. Social media impact on UAE government and citizens are discussed. The transformation of communication in UAE as a result of social media has been discussed with the benefits, pitfalls and statistics in this report. The main findings from interview and research are discussed below. Shift in UAE Communication The growth of media began with radio in 1950’s. The history of Radio in UAE dates back 60 years. BFBC (British Forces Broadcasting Services) had the first FM studio running news and entertainment programs in UAE. Channel 4 was started in 1970’s which was the first UAE radio. Arab media group and Emirates radio quickly followed. Currently there are 7 radio stations with 72 channels in UAE. Televisions became popular in 1990’s and almost every household has a television in UAE. Internet growth began in 2000 and research reveals that nearly 75% of the UAE population has access to internet (Khalled, 2012). The media censorship is regulated by TRA in UAE. UAE has experienced major shifts in telecommunication and media in the past four decades. The growth of the nation was fuelled by the rich oil reserves. UAE has grown rapidly and has achieved remarkable progress in the telecommunication arena. Dubai serves as the major hub of UAE media and communication. Recent trends in UAE media and communication history Nissar Hoath, 2013 discusses the importance of digitalizing historical records from print, radio and TV etc. The Abu Dhabi media has started securing the UAE historical data on media and communication from 1950 in a digital form. At the end of the first phase of this project, more than 5000 hours of UAE history recordings are made digitally. This is a nine year program to be completed by 2020. This indicates the importance of UAE media and communication history. According to James Chung, Susie Wilkening, Sally Johnstone, 2012, digitalization is the recent trend in UAE communication and media. Other channels that dominate the field include Cable TV, wireless networks, TV channels etc. TRA (Telecommunications Regulatory Authority) controls the entire telecommunication in UAE. Etisalat and Du now known as (Emirates Integrated Telecommunications Company) EITC are the two major mobile service providers in UAE. All television and radio channels are owned by the UAE government except in the Dubai media free zone. Technology Change Dubai became a media free zone from 2000. The technology change in communication began here. The Emirate of Dubai passed the technology and free media law in January 2000 aiming at bringing rapid changes in technology in UAE. Dubai Internet City was launched in October 2000 (Jumana Khamis. 2014) as a means of development in ICT (Information and Communication Technology) sector. Dubai internet city became a huge success in 2003 with industries emerging in the ICT sector. TECOM investments manage the free zone including 10 major business parks. Dubai has now become a major hub of ICT technologies in UAE. This directly benefits the media, communication, education, information technology and other related fields. These sectors saw tremendous growth due to the change of ICT technologies in Dubai. Dubai is renowned world wide as a leader in ICT technologies. Social media revolution in UAE Benefits Jumana Khamis, (2014) discusses the shift of communication power from UAE government to the people of UAE. Social media has brought this shift. Social media has changed the communication media totally in UAE with the interaction between government and citizens happening in a transparent manner. Earlier, the communication between UAE government and people was very rare but with the growth of the social media the communication has enhanced. UAE government uses social media platforms like Instagram, Twitter and Facebook to get the needs of the people. People freely post their opinion on these social media. Jumana Khamis, (2014) comments that communication in UAE has transformed rapidly. Earlier the communication between people and Government was vertical and hierarchical with government stating rules and regulations to the people over media. Now, Social media has changed this communication pattern to a network base. Pitfalls There are critics about social media arguing the involvement of people in government decision making. They even argue that social media can bring in a culture change in UAE with everyone expressing their opinions. Certain industrialists argue that social media can hamper creativity. Most of the intellectuals distance themselves from social media due to the following of the pop culture. Most of the people feel that social media is a waste of time and it kills useful leisure time or traveling etc. Statistics Jumana Khamis, (2014) gives statistics on social media. 70 percent of the users of social media are below the age of 30 and currently there are more than 65 million active Arab users in social media. According to the author, social media has opened a new way of expressing the concerns, needs and demands of the society. UAE government takes social media as a form of communication and now it has become a necessity. Conclusion The report has discussed the major shift in UAE Communication and media. The report gives details on the recent trends in UAE media, technology change, ICT and Social media. The communication of UAE has transformed to a great deal from Radio to social media. This transformation is clearly explained in this report. Communication forms the backbone in the growth of UAE. Communication can be attributed as one of the reasons of rapid growth of UAE. The communication change is discussed in the report in a critical manner focusing on social media. Finally as a result of critical analysis, it can be concluded that social media has transformed the communication to a great extent in UAE but ethics have to be followed in expressing the opinions in the social media. The report will serve as a guide for readers to study the change in UAE media and communication. References James Chung, Susie Wilkening, Sally Johnstone. 2012. Trends in Telecommunications in the United Arab Emirates. Reach Advisors publication Jumana Khamis. 2014. Social media shifts power of communication to people. Arab media. February 23, 2014 Khaleed. 2012. United Arab Emirates History Background Uae, Traditional, Country, and British – StateUniversity available at http://education.stateuniversity.com/pages/1605/United-Arab-Emirates-HISTORY-BACKGROUND.html#ixzz3E8tI0Oaa Nissar Hoath. 2013. Abu Dhabi Media digitalizes 3m rare historical records. Abu Dhabi Media. 15 April 2013 Appendix How people communicated before the establishment of the UAE in 1971? Which media were available and how they were used? How communication and media have changed since the early 20th century and compare past and present? What is the positive side of media and communication development in the UAE? What is the negative side for media and communication development in the UAE? How the media affect the education from the past compared to present? How the UAE was communication with the outside world? Could you imagine the UAE without the media and communication? It will develop or not? And how?

Literature Review Of Companies And Supermarkets

Literature Review Of Companies And Supermarkets As companies/supermarkets have race to introduced technology that enables the customers to get service on their own (Bitner, M. Amy, L. Ostrom and Matthew, L. 2002). Growing number of customers interacted with the technology to create service outcomes instead with a service firm employee (Matthew, L. Amy, L. Ostrom, Robert, I. And Bitner, M. July 2000). The overall affect model is based on the consumers feelings toward the use of technology (Pratibha A. and Dabholkar 1996). The Supermarkets which introduce self-service checkout systems wish to gain rapid acceptance and usage of these technologies by potential consumers. (Jungki, L. and Allaway, A. 2002) According to Merriam-Websters Dictionary (2008), Innovation is a new idea, method or device, or the introduction of something new.Drejer (2002) argues that innovation is more than just invention, that idea cannot be innovative as a pure, it must be put in practice and be commercialized; otherwise it is too earlier to speak of innovation. Blackmon (1996) provide us with the best summary for a context of this research: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ technological change is used to describe changes in knowledge that increase the volume of output or allow a qualitatively superior output from a given amount of resources à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ and thus in driving organizational evolution à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ The sales profit is a simple conceptual framework chain to linking with the employee satisfaction as well as customer satisfaction and financial performance. This sales profit chain is the relationships between employee and customer satisfaction (Gary, W. and Loveman, 1998). The benefit of the customer retention and satisfaction has been characterized by using the repurchase intention or a factor score of quite a few measures repurchase goal, and price tolerance. So that the purpose to use the customers management strategy that is the based on managing both satisfaction and benefit of customer retention (Narayandas, D. 1998). Performance expectation and the actual performance have major significance in the Evaluation process, as we need to determine the dimension of product and service performance. Most customers do not switch from satisfied seller to their competitors, but, there are several factors that could affect customer behaviour to switch to different service provider such as mistake in core service failure, service encounter failures, variable prices, inconvenience, responsive to service failures, attraction by competitors, ethical behaviours and involuntary switching etc. (Hawkins, Best and Coney, 2004). Retailers need to analyze what makes a new product from the point of view by the customer if customers facing problems understanding the reason behind the introduction of new self-service checkout systems (SSC) they will not use the system. As we launch new self-service systems, we need to analyse the consumer behaviour as well. The consumer should be involved in some way or another at most stages in the introduction of self-service checkout system. Every retail or sales companies should take care of customer wants and needs (Wright, R. 2006). Consumers feel a sense of pleasure in understanding that they have found a unique store that they can, and do, frequent. This suggestion is suggested on the notion of value as a function of both worth (Oliver, 1999) and scarcity. People feel good when they find something of worth that is not easily available the feel good feeling from the ordinary and the mundane, is different from satisfaction in that it consists qualitative effects such as enjoyment and happiness. In contract, satisfaction is an evaluative judgment (Oliver, 1997) and more cognitive in nature (Howard and Sheth, 1969). Satisfaction can be defined as a cognitive evaluation resulting from the fulfilment expectations. Satisfaction is a judgment based on either a cognitive or emotional appraisal, made by the customer whether his or her expectations were met (Oliver, 1997). Positive affect is a pleasurable emotional response (Bogozzi, Gopinath, and Nyer, 1999). If organizations want to consider total customer experience, satisfaction by itself is a weak measurement (Barlow and Maul, 2000) As a result, when a consumer experiences more differentiation value in the store, consumer will be more likely to feel more positive responses toward the store (Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982) The literature in retailing and customer behaviour has identified commitment as ones motivation to keep a relationship with the retailer (Bendapudi and Berry, 1997 and Fournier, 1998).The self-service checkout system (SSC) into the service come across necessitates research to improved understand customers attitudes toward overhaul providers and technologies, and their intentions to employ technology-based facility delivery systems. In this research, the authors build up and experiment three structural models that include a pecking instruct of consumer attitudes toward together the psychological and the technological factors of the come across to better appreciate their intentions to utilize Self Service Technologies. The result indicates that intentions to exercise self-service technologies options are ambitious by manifold, hierarchical attitudes. In calculation to the direct belongings of attitudes toward exact self-service technologies and individual employees, the findings corrob orate that higher direct worldwide attitudes toward service technologies pressure intentions to use self-service technologies. fascinatingly, the findings indicate that heavy self-service technologies users rely more on attitudes toward specific self-service technologies than do light self-service technologies users, who rely more heavily on universal attitudes toward self-service technologies when formative intention to utilize an self-service technologies. (James, M. Matthew, L. Meuter and Carol, F. 2003) Kano Model Analysis: The customer satisfaction model from professor Kano is a marketing and quality management approach that can be used for assessing and establishing customer satisfaction and happiness. Kano model has six categories of customer quality characteristics, but, only the first three specially relate to customer satisfaction. (Kano, 2007) These factors are: Basic factors Excitement factors Performance factors Basic factors The prerequisite factors that will cause dissatisfaction if they are not met, but, do not establish customer satisfaction. If they are fulfilled or cross expectations customer regard this as essential and basic factors contribute to market entrance threshold Excitement factors These requirements if they are met can increase customer level satisfaction, but, if they do not meet the requirements, do not cause customer dissatisfaction. These factors come to customers as surprise and create satisfaction. A company can come out from crowd from competitors in a positive way using these factors. Performance factors These factors are concerned with the performance level. So, we can conclude that customer satisfaction is directly related to the performance level, if the performance level is high, then, customer satisfaction will be met, but, if the performance level is low, cause dissatisfaction. These factors are directly related to customer desires, wants and needs etc. So, company should try to be competitive in a market. (Adapted from Prof. Kano, 1994) Customer point of view in relation to Self Service Checkout System (SSC) Researcher forecasting about the adaptation of the self service checkout system have been gone against the past recommendation, instead, customers are using this technology more and embrace this technology with open arms. Reasons for Supermarket to adopt this technology: Customers do prefer to use their bank cards in privacy and anonymity. Queue awaiting time reduction; Need for self-service; Quick payment; Shoppers feel empowered; Retail market is shifting towards radio frequency identification which will replace the bar code. However this might be a foundation for increasing working hours, as supermarkets not depending on a cashier. Due it is not many research have been done in the UK the USA practise might be relevant for this research and will be in future referred as a compare base. Theoretical Framework Porters competitive advantage theory is a classical and one of the foundational in business literature, however lately it was criticized by some authors (Day and Wensley, 1988 and Hunt and Morgan, 1995). Therefore some complementary concepts have been suggested. In order to reinforce research the Porters value-chain theory was complemented with the more current Value-Network model of Stabell and Fjeldstad (Stabell and Fjeldstad, 1998). Value-chain theory and the value network model are presenting the different activities of a company where value can be configured and added through SSC systems. This model allows the researchers to investigate the different activities of companies on which the implementation of technology-based self-service as an innovation can have an effect. Theoretical Framework Implication In order to fully understand the impact of introducing SSC in ASDA supermarkets it is necessary to look into: role and importance of innovation in a business context, product life cycle connected to SSC; competitive advantage theory and complementary concepts, value chain theory, and finally the importance of customer relationship management in the new self-service economy. Innovation Before we are going to analyze stage it is important to understand what innovation in business context is. The full understanding can be obtained through definition of the term. According to Merriam-Websters Dictionary (2008), Innovation is a new idea, method or device, or the introduction of something new. Drejer (2002) argues that innovation is more than just invention, that idea cannot be innovative as a pure, it must be put in practice and be commercialized; otherwise it is too earlier to speak of innovation. Blackmon (1996) provide us with the best summary for a context of this research: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ technological change is used to describe changes in knowledge that increase the volume of output or allow a qualitatively superior output from a given amount of resources à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ and thus in driving organizational evolution à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ In the following relation, the innovation in a business context is a product, device, service, programme, service provider, or methods of services delivery that are new, unusual, or in other ways different from those previously used and positively reflects in overall output of the organization in form of added value directly to the organization or its customers. In the case of this research, innovation in form of SSC brings changes into service delivery. In order to understand the impact of the innovation it is necessary to understand to which area of service delivery it related. Dabholkar (2003) made a classification of technology in service delivery with three dimensions. By whom the service is delivered and who operates the technology. Where the service is delivered (at the shop or in customers home); and how the service is delivered. Depending on which category the service belongs to different factors will affect the customers evaluation of the service quality. This classification can be useful in guiding companies in the development of their marketing strategies when implementing SSC systems. Table At service site At customers place Direct contact Customer goes to service site and performs service using technology at service site. E.g. ATM, self-service at retail checkouts. Customer uses technology from home/office to perform service. E.g. internet shopping. Indirect contact Customer goes to service site and uses automated telephone system to perform service. E.g. automated wake-up calls at Hotels. Customer calls automated telephone service from home/office to perform service. E.g. automated ticket-ordering over telephone. Source: Dabholkar, 1994 in Anselmsson, 2001, page 13. Shadowed cell is the relevant technology for this research. Using this type of SSC, the customer goes to the service site and performs the service by using the technology provided at the service site. This implies a greater importance and wider range of quality issues in the interactive marketing function of the organisation. Product/service life Cycle In a business context everything is going through different level, stages of performance. It is similar to the any life development. From the cell of life to the maturity and death, the products are repeating same way from idea to implementation and ultimately death. Particularly in our case the service as well as product must be planned and introduce to employees, customers and eventually be accepted by them. It is crucial for the managers to adjust and control its performance while it goes through different stages. The effect respectively will be also different on different stages. Therefore, considering the life cycle of SSC systems is important when investigating the effects on company competitiveness. Figure: Source Cordiant Technologies Limited The product life cycle tend to go through the five stages of products: Service/product development; Market introduction; Growth stage; Mature stage; Stage of decline. Each stage is different in effectiveness of the product, expenses, revenue, etc. The first stage usually money intensive as there is no sales revenue and all expenses are covered by different organizations activities, in our case no effectiveness gain from reducing cost of operation. Stage two is quite expensive in our case as technological cost is very high. The purchase of the machineries and shops infrastructure adjustments to accommodate it are required. Moreover the staff and customers trainings and special promotions materials must be prepared. The third stage is continuous use of SSC by customers and therefore operational cost reduction becomes positive revenue, which might cover the marketing expenses. The fourth stage is characterised by very low costs of operation as number of customers who is using it increased. The final stage might come as soon as more efficient and productive technology will arrive and current become outdated. (Day, 1981) The progression of a product through these stages is not certain however. Some products may stay in the mature stage forever, for example commodities such as milk, others might not even rich stage of maturity. These products go through their life cycle as marketers marketing mix strategies change. For example, advertising is informative stage of the introduction, maturity stages, winning in the growth and in the decline stage reminder-oriented. In the early stages the promotional budget tends to be highest, and as the product gradually taper off matures and decline. Product characteristics, pricing, distribution also tend to change. (Day, 1981) The concept of product life cycle, applied to Self Service Checkout System (SSC) innovations, has also been introduced as an important concept that also contributes to affecting competitiveness. The Value-Chain Porters value chain framework today still is the accepted language for representing and analyzing the logic of firm-level value creation, and is also a framework for analyzing firm-level competitive strengths and weaknesses. In value chain analysis competitive advantage is understood by these discrete activities of the value creation process that contribute to the firms relation cost place and produce a basis for segregation. These activities are the building blocks from which a product or process is created that is valuable to the firms customers. The different activities have different economics and thus contribute differently to the valuable characteristics of the product or process. The value creating activities in Porters model are divided in two levels. Primary activities consist of directly interact to create and bring value to the customer, while support activities facilitate and develop the performance of the primary activities. Figure: Source: (Porter, 1985, 1990) The primary activity level consists of five actions: inbound logistics, operations, outbound logistics, promotion and sales and service. The maintain actions are procurement, technology growth, human supply management, and firm infrastructure. It is important to note that the different activity categories are not the same as organizational functions. Using the value chain for analysis, costs and assets are assigned to the value activities as a first step, and are further analyzed as structural drivers related to the scale and scope of the firm, linkages across activities, and environmental factors. Cost and value drivers are usually analyzed separately. Moreover, drivers are partly related to internal relationships, partly to external factors, and partly to relationships between internal and external factors as well. The main drivers of value are policy decisions made by product and segment choices when the firm is established or repositioned. (Stabell and Fjeldstad, 1998) According to Porter, the value-creating logic of his value chain with its generic activity categories is valid for firms in all industries. However, he further states that the specific activities that are vital to a firms competitive advantage depend on which industry the firm operates. (Porter, 1985, 1990) Stabell and Fjeldstad (1998) however have investigated the application of the value chain model to a variety of industries and have experienced problems in applying the value chain frame work to more than two-dozen firms. They have found that the value chain is suitable for describing and understanding the value creation logic of manufacturing firms, but that it proves problematic when analyzing activities in service industry firms. They argue that problems arise from difficulty to assign and analyze activities in terms of the five generic primary value chain categories proposed by Porter, leading to unclear explanations of value creation. Therefore, Stabell and Fjeldstad (1998) suggest that the value chain can be considered as one of three generic value configurations to facilitate the understanding and analysis of firm-level value-creation logic for a broad range of industries and firms. The additional two value models besides the value-chain are the value network and the value shop. The importance shop model applies to firms where price is created by mobilizing income and performance to resolve an exacting customer difficulty, for example professional service firms dealing with medicine, law, architecture and engineering. The value network model refers to firms that generate cost by facilitating an organization relationship among their customers using a mediator technology. Stabell and Fjeldstad (1998) also propose alternative presentation formats for both models that represent their unique value creation logic. For the purpose of this research both Porters value chain and Stabell and Fjeldstads value network is of importance. Although Stabell and Fjeldstad state that according to their findings the value chain is mostly useful for manufacturing firms, for our investigation of supermarkets traditional operations, the value chain is most fitting, with one small alteration. However, in also considering the introduction of a new type of service offering through technology-based self-service checkouts, it is found necessary to complement the value chain model with the value network model in order to be able to capture the value adding activities of SSC. The combination of the different value-creating logics, as suggested for this research, has also been proposed by Norman and Ramirez (1993). Since the main purpose of the research is to investigate the effects of SSC in supermarkets, the value network is of central importance, which is discussed in further detail below. The Value Network Value networks use a mediating technology to link clients and customers who wish to be interdependent. According to Stabell and Fjeldstad (1998), the firm provides a networking service through the mediating technology and thus facilitates exchange relationships among customers distributed in space and time. For the consideration of SSC, the value network idea is modified to mean that the firm is the network itself, linking its customers not to each other but to the firm itself, facilitating a more interdependent exchange relationship between the firm and its customers. Customer Satisfaction To measure the customer satisfaction of how your organisation`s `total product` performs in relation to a set of customer requirements. (Gower, 1999) If you like to measure the customer satisfaction of the customers and you need direction exactly what you are measuring. Understanding the concept of customer satisfaction is very easy and can be done by assuming yourself as a customer in a supermarket. Satisfaction is simple. If you get what you wanted and your requirements are met, you are satisfied. The starting point of a customer satisfaction management is to set the objectives. There are different customer satisfaction objectives that can be set. Customers` requirements (important ratings) Customer satisfaction (Satisfaction ratings) Comparison with other organizations PFIs (priorities for improvement) Customer satisfaction index A track able measure of satisfaction The internal perspective Firstly, you should identify customers` requirements and there are many things customers want and need but we need to identify most relative of customer requirements. Secondly, you must measure customer satisfaction. Organisational performance is directly related to customer satisfaction and list of customers` requirements. Thirdly, if you could go a bit further to analyse the customers` requirements as compared to other same organisations. (In our example `supermarket`) This will give you the opportunity to get the benchmarking. By using benchmarking, you could analyse the requirements of your supermarket customers` as satisfied or not satisfied. Fourthly, after getting the customers` satisfaction measures, you can use these measures to produce some survey outcomes and the first of that step is to identify the PFIs (Priorities for improvement) Fifth, you will need to measure the overall customers` satisfaction. We call it a satisfaction index and it will indicate us to monitor progress from the one year to the next for the overall customers` satisfaction. Finally, customers` satisfaction survey has to be done inside the supermarket to know about the understanding of employees about their customers` requirements. It will help any supermarket to indentify that if their employees know about their customers` requirements and can indentify gaps. An internal survey can also be used to help the management to make the decision making process and strategic management. (Gower, 1999) Achieving Customer Satisfaction: Customer satisfaction is measured frequently. Sampling is extensive. Surveys are quantitative as well as qualitative. The measures are taken very seriously. They are reviewed unfailingly by Top management: the development of such measures is taken very seriously as the development of budgetary measures or product reliability measures. Evaluation of people in all functions at all levels is significantly affected by the satisfaction measures. (Tom Peter, a Passion for Excellence) Customer delight seems very credible people say things like: In today`s competitive markets customer satisfaction is no longer enough; you have to delight the customers, give them something they did not expect to keep their business. In customer satisfaction, the link between customer loyalty, customer retention and profitability can make get better customer satisfaction. It has been shown that customer retention can boost profit of the supermarket as it is very easy to keep the existing customers than getting new customers. After getting the trend data and established the satisfaction- loyalty ratio in your market for your organisation, you make some models. Some companies now have `business performance models` based on their customer satisfaction management survey results that have quantified the exact links between customer satisfaction, customer loyalty, sales and profit. They know that how much one percent improvement in customer satisfaction will improve loyalty how much that contributes to profits. Precisely, this is a very powerful forecasting tool. Customer satisfaction Business success Employee satisfaction Customer Retention Figure: (Ch. BABAR 2010) Customer Satisfaction and the Performance: Customer satisfaction can be defined as more loyal customer and it involves emotional and complicated process. Every customer has certain level of product or service expectation and desire. If customer expectation level increased as a result of using that product or service, then, customer experiences satisfaction. (Simon Homburg 1998, Page 44) However, Satisfaction has also recently been described as the emotional reaction to this cognitively defined process of comparison. (Homburg and Rudolph 1995, page 31) In this context, customer experiences that the outcome of the process of comparison will not always give the correct result about the expected satisfaction outcome and actual level of satisfaction outcome. Instead, direct effect of these outcomes or satisfaction levels also interacts with satisfaction. (Bolton et al. 1991 page 376) The customer satisfaction has been in research for long time, mostly research and investigation has been done on the customer satisfaction, but, not on the customer retention. It is the experience and attitude of the employee in closest contact with customers that customers are satisfied, loyal and customer retention has been achieved. The Satisfaction is an a overall attitude of customer towards the service provider (Levesque and McDougall, 1996) The companies are more successful, later research has showed if they adopt customer retention rather than customer satisfaction. (Knox, 1998) Customer satisfaction brings many benefits. Satisfied customers are fewer prices sensitive; they purchase more items, not go to competitors and stay longer. (Zineldin, 2000) Customer satisfaction is directly related with the customer complaint process management. If customer complains more, then, it increases more customer satisfaction. Customer complains about the product or service he/she receives, then, supermarket can achieve more customer satisfaction (Johnston, 2001) The product innovations, staff service, price, convenience and business profile are all determinants of customer satisfaction. (Athanassopoulos, 2000) Later, Bejou et al. (1998) propose that customer satisfaction can be enhanced through relationships, provided they are developed and managed to the customer`s satisfaction Customer retention is not directly related with the customer satisfaction. Sometime customer do not change service provider because of the alternative circumstances, but, customer satisfaction level remain the same. Sometime customers do not have any choice to change their service provider, so, they stick with their existing provider. Hallowell (1996) argues that customer satisfaction cannot produce life time customer loyalty even though customer satisfaction has been increased, but, retention can be related with customer satisfaction. Retention can be understandable as to do business or exchange a commitment to continue with a particular company on an ongoing basis. (Zineldin, 2000) Retaining old customers are easy and cheap to keep as compared to the new customers because they are more loyal and less price sensitive. They keep their loyalty to their existing service provider and do not change their loyalty to the new service provider. It increases customer retention, satisfaction, lower price sensitivity, higher market share, higher productivity and higher efficiencies. (Reichheld, 1995) The authors suggest that in order to retain customers, companies should always change and developing their product and services to meet the ever changing needs of customers. The concept of acquiring, developing and retaining customers from a cognitive and affective perspective, they provide examples of how cognitive and affects are used to increase retention. (Desai and Mahajan, 1998) Customer satisfaction is a direct determining factor in customer loyalty, which, in turn, is a main presentation of customer retention. (Gerpott et al., 2001) Customer satisfaction can be achieved by customer retention. Customer complaint process can increase the level of customer satisfaction that result in customer retention. Employee perspective is also very important with relation of the customers. Individual relationship with the customer can boost the level of customer satisfaction. It is direct related with the mental theories of customer and employee perspectives. Managers should be aware of customer wants and needs as well as employee mental perspective. Different employees keep different level of relationship with the customers that could affect the customer satisfaction and retention level. Therefore, Managers must keep eye into employee/customer relationship and set realistic goals to achieve. (Spreng et al, 1995) Good section Customer Retention Customer retention is directly linked with the customer satisfaction. The framework guide managers to decide which part of customer satisfaction has more collision, which part of customer satisfaction needs to be improve and make strategies to retain existing customers. An individual level model of loyalty and customer retention has been developed, that can be used to predict effects of service level improvement at supermarket. Customer satisfaction has been changed recently from transactional marketing to relationship marketing. (Grà ¶nroos, Sheth and Parvatiyar, 1994) To all marketing activities directed toward establishing, developing, and maintaining successful relational exchanges (Morgan and Hunt, 1994) Customer satisfaction has been treated as essential instrument for the customer retention, has gained significant importance in relational marketing approaches. (Rust and Zahorik, 1993) Kotler sums this up when he states: The key to customer retention is customer satisfaction (Ko

The Real World or the Fake World :: Literature Science Fiction Books Papers

The Real World or the Fake World Real World or Fake World? Science Fiction not only deals with science in todays world, but also with science in the future. In the futuristic novel Snow Crash, by Neal Stevenson, and in the movie The Matrix computers become a huge part of the future society. Even though technology advances so much in futuristic societies, these futuristic societies still share some of the same aspects of todays world. Snow Crash and The Matrix express what life in the future might become. Both the novel and the movie have similarities and differences. Snow Crash is a novel dealing with the near future. Even though the characters live on the west coast of the Americas, the whole world has been destroyed by humans. In this book the main characters and any other human are able to freely choose between two worlds. The Matrix also takes place in the future. The Matrix is a futuristic time when the world has become dark and gloomy from the result of machines that were built by humans taking over and controlling their creators. Already there are similarities between these two works. Slowly the humans destroy their own civilizations over time in one way or the other. One aspect the future holds in these works is the idea of having two different worlds. In the film the two different worlds are the realistic world in which machines use humans as energy sources, and the matrix. In the matrix humans are unaware they are in a fake world unless they are freed and detached from the system which controls them. Until they are detached or if they are never detached, humans have no idea of what the real world is. In the novel the characters are totally aware when they go into the fake world which is referred to in the novel as the metaverse. In the novel the real world is so destroyed that the metaverse is a way for society to get away from it and be who they want to be instead of who they are. Humans are able to choose who their avatar, or what their character is, in the metaverse. They are free to be who they want to be with only a few limitations. For example, they are not allowed to be any size they want to be because if they decided to be a large avatar there would be a metaverse filled with giants overwhelming the other avatars.

Loyalty to Family in Barn Burning by William Faulkner Essay example --

Loyalty to Family in Barn Burning by William Faulkner The short story "Barn Burning" by William Faulkner is a stark look at the struggle of a boy to try to do what is right, or do what is best for his family during the post Civil War era. The main character, Sartoris Snopes is a poor son of a migrant tenant farmer who, in the opening scene is being questioned about the burning of a farmers barn by his father, Abner Snopes. The boy is torn between choosing what is right, telling the truth, or lying to protect his father. The boy is not forced to tell to judge about his father burning the barn, but is certain he would have told if asked. The father is a soldier from the Civil War and has a knack for burning down the barns of those who cross his path. Faulkner uses the symbol of blood to illustrate the theme of loyalty to the family.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Faulkner illustrates the theme of blood when he is to testify, and is pressured by his father to lie. In the makeshift courtroom, when the boy is put on the stand he is pressured because he knows that his father will do something rash if his son tells the truth. He also is told that some things are more important than the truth, that family is the most important thing. When Abner states, "You would have told them." This shows how the boy feels toward his blood father, and how even though it would have been a lie he should have testified in his fathers favor. This scene also reveals how the father feels about family. The father belie...

King Lear Shakespeare’s Essay

Dylan Thomas’s â€Å"Do not go gentle into that good night† was influenced by William Butler Yeats’s â€Å"Lapis Lazuli† and William Shakespeare’s ‘King Lear’ but the villanelle bears a stronger resemblance to Shakespeare’s play. The attitudes toward how an individual lives in the face of impending death, explored by Thomas, are similarly examined with the portrayal of Gloucester and Lear. Dylan Thomas’s â€Å"Do not go gentle into that good night† has been noted to bear the influence of and even echo W. B. Yeats, especially â€Å"Lapis Luzuli,† and, secondarily via this poem, Shakespeare’s King Lear. One scholar notes its â€Å"Yeatsian overtones† (Fraser 51); another judges Thomas’s villanelle to have â€Å"much of the concentrated fury of expression which the poetry of the older Yeats contained, but †¦ more tenderness and sympathy† (Stanford 117), and goes on to say. , citing â€Å"Lapis Lazuli,† that â€Å"Yeats described the poet as one who knows that `Hamlet and Lear are gay'† (118). William York Tindall cites not only â€Å"Lapis Lazuli† but also Yeats’s â€Å"The Choice† as sources (204). Another scholar seems to skip over Yeats entirely (though his own phrasing echoes line 1 of â€Å"Lapis Lazuli†), seeing the â€Å"Grave men/blind† tercet (which contains the injunction to â€Å"be gay†) as â€Å"perhaps invok[ing] the Miltonic† (Tindall also mentions Milton 205) and the effect of the phrase â€Å"be gay† as â€Å"rather hysterical sentimentality† (Holbrook, Dissociation 53); of the earlier â€Å"Wise men/lightning† verse, however, he says â€Å"The images are merely there, histrionically, to bring in the phrase `forked no lightning’ to give a Lear-like grandeur to the dirge† (52). I would like to propose that â€Å"Do not go gentle into that good night† bears a much stronger and more direct connection to Shakespeare’s play than is suggested by references to Yeats or to â€Å"Lear-like grandeur. † I would like to propose that the attitudes towards death–or, more precisely, the attitudes towards how one lives in the face of impending death–that Thomas explores in this poem–the implied attitude his speaker attributes to his direct audience, and the one he urges be adopted in its place–are similarly explored in King Lear and dramatized in the characters of Gloucester and Lear. I also propose that the voice we hear in â€Å"Do not go gentle† may not be a directly lyric speaker but an obliquely drawn persona, that of Gloucester’s son Edgar. Further, when read in the shadow cast by King Lear, the tone of Thomas’s poem grows dark indeed. â€Å"Do not go gentle into that good night† is addressed to Thomas’s father, David John, known as D. J. According to biographer Paul Ferris, D. J. was â€Å"an unhappy man †¦ a man with regrets† (27); born with brains and literary talent, his ambition was to be a man of letters, but he was never able to advance beyond being â€Å"a sardonic provincial schoolmaster† in South Wales, feared for his sharp tongue (26-33). After his first serious illness, though–cancer in 1933–â€Å"A mellowing is said to have been noticeable soon after; his sarcasm was not so sharp; he was a changed man† (104). As he grew more chronically ill in the 40’s, mostly from heart disease and with one of the complications being trouble with his sight, the mellowing intensified: As Ferris puts it, â€Å"It must have been [D. J. ‘s] backbone of angry dignity that his son grieved to see breaking long after, when he wrote `Do not go gentle into that good night'† (27), and the poem is â€Å"an exhortation to his father, a plea for him to die with anger, not humility† (259). The poem was first published in November, 1951, in Princess Caetani’s Botteghe Oscure, on consecutive pages with â€Å"Lament,† a dramatic monologue spoken by an old man on his deathbed who recalls his rollicking youth and middle-age spent in the pursuit (and capture) of wine, women, and song, but who has married at last in order to obtain a caretaker, and must suffer pious comforting in his final, helpless days. (Bibliographic evidence suggests the two were also composed, or at least finalized, more or less simultaneously; Kidder 188.) In the letter to Caetani that contained â€Å"Do not go gentle,† Thomas remarked that â€Å"this little one might well be printed with [â€Å"Lament†] as a contrast† (qtd. in Kidder 188). As Ferris suggests, it would be difficult to over-estimate D. J. ‘s influence on his son: â€Å". . . the pattern of [Dylan’s] life was in some measure a response to D. J. Thomas and his wishes. For the early books that Dylan Thomas read, the rhythms he absorbed, and probably for his obsession with the magic of the poet’s function, he was indebted to D. J. † (283). Prominent among those â€Å"early books† read by Thomas are the works of Shakespeare. In 1948 (and Thomas might have begun his, as usual, protracted drafting and revision of â€Å"Do not go gentle† in 1945, after D. J. suffered a nearly fatal illness; Tindall 204), Thomas wrote a journalist that D. J. ‘s â€Å"reading aloud of Shakespeare seemed to me, and to nearly every other boy in the school, very grand indeed; all the boys who were with me at school, and who have spoken to me since, agree that it was his reading that made them, for the first time, see that there was, after all, something in Shakespeare and all his poetry. . . † (qtd. in Ferris 33; his ellipses). That Thomas was familiar with and admiring of Shakespeare is, of course, no surprise, but his direct linkage of his father with Shakespeare, particularly at this point in time, is interesting, and he demonstrated more than familiarity with King Lear: In 1950, during one of his reading tours in America, he spent an evening with novelist Peter de Vries (who would later use Thomas as the basis for the poet Gowan McGland in Reuben, Reuben) and, among other conversational gambits, â€Å"declaimed some Lear† (de Vries, qtd. in Ferris 233). That he was equally well-immersed in Yeats is verified by the fact that poems by Yeats were among those he performed on his 1950 tour of

NSA surveillance Essay

There has been a ton of controversy surrounding the topic of the NSA. Throughout the history of the United States we have fallen victim to terrorist attacks and we cannot blame the governments desire to be ten steps ahead rather than 10 steps behind. The NSA’s main focus is our safety, they do not exist to infringe on our constitutional rights. Liberty and security go hand-in-hand; one cannot exist without the other. People tend to approach this topic on a â€Å"national security v. civil liberties† meanwhile nothing says that both cannot exist together. It is absolutely possible to have national security while still preserving the civil liberties of the citizens. Everyone would like to live in an ideal world where the government takes an idealistic approach because that would mean leaving the people completely vulnerable to outside threats. What the people fail to realize is that modern terrorists online are a real risk to this country. They use the internet as a way to contact each other. The internet holds fatal information like how to make a bomb which anyone and everyone can have access to. Terrorists would also have access to most of the information needed about the enemy in order to make their attack successful. The media has portrayed the NSA as a negative and unnecessary agency meanwhile there is nothing negative and unnecessary about keeping this country safe. The NSA doesnâ€⠄¢t target innocent Americans one by one. The NSA works solely for our benefit and safety. If a person has nothing to hide there should be no reason to have a problem with the NSA and the things that they do. I do see how people can feel like it is an invasion of privacy but at the end of the day, would you want the NSA to check on you every once in a while or would you rather risk the possibility of a terrorist attack that can lead into millions of lives lost ultimately leading to war? The NSA is able to tap into anyone’s email and texts but they aren’t doing it with malicious intent, or to snoop in your business, they’re doing it solely for the reason of your safety and the safety of everyone else around you. Less than 30,000 people work for the NSA and there are 300 million people in the United States sending calls everyday, the chances of you getting monitored is the same as the odds of  you winning the lottery. The NSA does not care who you’re going to the movies with or what you are having for dinner. As long as you are not contacting terrorists groups or posing harm to the well being of this country you have absolutely nothing to worry about. In June of this year, whistleblower Edward Snowden, a worker for the NSA, leaked classified documents about the NSA’s procedures in online and telephone surveillance to a the Guardian, a British newspaper. Before the leak, however, no public knowledge of PRISM, the surveillance program controlled by the NSA, existed. There were no riots protesting a violation of privacy, only benefits. In fact, the NSA stopped numerous terrorist attacks before the leak. An example of this is that of Najibullah Zazi. Zazi was an Islamic extremist living in Colorado who planned to bomb the New York City subway in 2009. He was traced to Al-Qaeda operative in the Middle East and the NSA discovered information about the plot after monitoring him for only a s hort period of time. Before the leak, the NSA was not harming anyone, and saving countless numbers of lives. Since 2001, the NSA records more than 50 classified cases of thwarted terrorist plots outweighing any potential harms of surveillance. It is impossible to satisfy every person in the country. People complain when there is nothing being done and they complain when a solution is found. This leaves the government stuck between a rock and a hard place. Realistically, the NSA doesn’t affect our lives on a daily basis. The chances of the NSA getting hacked are much more slim then the chances of an attack on the country. We all have to sacrifice certain things for the well being of the country as a whole and in this case privacy is worth sacrificing for safety. I’m sure no one wants to see a repeat of the tragedy that occurred on 9/11. This country is the place we call home, and for people to say that privacy is more important than safety is selfish. The NSA has done nothing but prevent attacks on our homes. Instead of feeling like our privacy is being invaded we should feel a sense of safety. The government continues find new ways to improve then lives on the people that live in this wonderful country and I believe that they shouldn’t be scrutinized for it. National security is essential which has been shown in past experience such as the Boston bombing. There is no way the United States will ever be 100 percent protected but there are programs and agencies such as the NSA, which gives  us an advantage. The NSA is vital in the security of this country and is in place only to protect you, me and all the other citizens of the United States.